DEFENSE LAWYERS’ DISCURSIVE STRATEGIES OF CONTROLLING THE LANGUAGE OF THE WITNESSES: QUESTIONING FORMS AND FUNCTIONS IN SOME CRIMINAL COURTS OF OROMIA REGIONAL STATE, ETHIOPIA

In everyday conversation the questioners and answerers are in an approximately symmetrical relationship that questioners do not have the information that they are requesting and the answerers are not obliged to answer. On the contrary, in the rule and role governed courtroom question/answer dyad, lawyers usually have particular version of events to control the language of the respondents where witnesses are compelled to respond, and do not have the right to question. So, it may hold back the production and interpretation of the evidence, and consequently hinder the execution of the tasks of the court trial. Such types of courtroom language-related problems are unexplored by academic research in Oromia Regional State. In this regard, no or little is known about these courtroom language-related problems in the criminal courts of the region. In an attempt to fill-in the existing gap, this study investigates how widespread such courtroom linguistic problems are and contribute to the limited conceptual and methodological values of linguistic analysis of courtroom oral discourse in legal institutions of the region. The analysis of this study is based on the authentic, naturally occurring courtroom defense lawyers-witnesses dyad of some Oromia Regional State Criminal Courtrooms. The aim of the study is, therefore, to present the discursive strategies of defense lawyers questioning forms and functions in their attempts to deconstruct persuasive testimony. In so doing, based on the way in which lawyers exploit the specialized speech-exchange linguistic system of the courtroom, the study focuses on the analysis of defense lawyers question forms and functions from the pragma-dialectical discourse perspectives. The findings of the study suggest that the use of declarative question, tag question, and projection question forms are the defense lawyers’ discursive strategies to control and dominate the language of the witnesses. Such questioning forms function by potentially damaging witnesses’ admission and limiting their response boundaries and are found the influential defense lawyers’ discursive strategies through which the existing narratives of the witnesses are attacked and deconstructed.


Introduction
In the proceedings of courtroom questions/answers dyad, minimizing pressurizing and coercive question forms are essential in an attempt to make the truth less jeopardized in court trial.This can be achieved by informing and alerting the defense lawyers to the risks involved in such questioning forms and so that to modify such pressurizing and coercive questionings (Gibbons 2004).In this regard, as an applied (forensic) linguist (Shuy 2006), it is sensible to make an effort in addressing such types of pressing courtroom cross-examining lawyers language-related problems in Adama, Bishoftu and Asella Criminal Courts to understand and investigate the extent to which such types of questionings can put the truth at risk to social injustice using authentic data.The study explores the discursive properties of both question forms and functions as cross-examining lawyers attempt to deconstruct witnesses' testimony.
Based on the Drew's (1992) defense lawyers specialized speech-exchange system of the courtroom, the paper demonstrates, after Gibbons (2003Gibbons ( 2008)), how and in what way the discursive strategies of lawyers' questioning forms function to pressure and coerce the witness into testifying what they do not mean and as a result causes the evidence to be twisted and distorted for social injustice.Hale (2004: 31) asserts that the discourse and the pragmatic function of cross-examination lawyers' main purpose is not to elicit new information (information-seeking), but to discredit the previously elicited examination-in-chief's case.The defense lawyers deconstruct a version of the same events to claim that the defendant is "not guilty, or is worthy of lenient treatment, or alternatively attempting to show that the prosecution's version has weaknesses which place it in "reasonable doubt" (Gibbons, 2007: 438).In crossexamination session, the witness is pressurized and even coerced by the forms of questions that the lawyers construct.According to Gibbons (2007), the crossexamining lawyer concentrates a more "destroying the prosecution's case" (Gibbons 2007: 439).
Similarly, Eades (2008) asserts that gratuitous concurrence can also function in conversations in a similar way as minimal responses do in many courtroom interactions.It also referred to as response tokens or feedback markers, such minimal responses -such as yes, no, mm, yeh, OK and uh-huh -generally indicate conversational involvement of listeners rather than agreement (Shuy 1990).At this stage, it is common for Oromia's Criminal Courtroom lay witnesses to respond to questions with answers which appear to indicate agreement, such as yes, no, and yeh.The analysis in this research exemplified the extent of the problem which can arise from a literal interpretation of such answers as indicating agreement.In this regard, the frequent 0-3 word length production, from the witness side was identified.
Gratuitous concurrence is supposed as the major problem in effective communication with lay witnesses.Eades (2008) repeats this view, giving a number of different explanations for why they believe that lay witnesses so readily use gratuitous concurrence.Some of the explanations given include: the "desire to please and be seen as agreeable", "fear of persons in authority", "not wanting to make a scene", "they do not think the courts will believe them if they tell their side of the story", and "they do not wish to admit that they do not know what has been asked of them" (Eades 2008: 95).She also asserts that gratuitous concurrence is widely recognized as occurring in all legal contexts: interviews with lawyers, and the police, and in courtroom evidence.This is to emphasize that the more established preceding studies undoubtedly contribute to the discursive strategies of cross-examination questioning forms and functions.However, my argumentation here is that these studies are in limitations of employing more authentic data or the number of both previous and recent courtroom cross-examination questioning studies which based their linguistic analysis of oral discourse on original source are not proportional with the visible courtroom languagerelated problems of our time or much lower to ascertain how such sort of problems studied are providing a more comprehensive authenticity of them.More specifically and most significantly, this type of courtroom linguistic problem, as far as my knowledge is concerned, is unexplored by academic research in Oromia Regional Region either using the original or the secondary official data.This is because, firstly, owing to the premature stage of such types of multidisciplinary field of legal language studies in the country, Applied Linguistics, there has been virtually no study on courtroom language-related problems used in Oromia Regional State in general and it's the selected Criminal Courts in particular.Secondly, because of the limited conceptual and methodological approaches in linguistic analysis of courtroom oral discourse, the attention given to investigate such types of courtroom language-related problem is neglected.
In this regard, it is found valuable to make an effort into uncultivated area of language-related problems of legal settings in some Oromia Regional State Criminal Courts to investigate the linguistic problems that can put the truth at risk to social injustice.Carrying out courtroom linguistic analysis of oral discourse in the place where authentic audio recordings is absent reduces the credibility of the findings (Tkačuková 2010).Therefore, the data source employed in this study is thought to be more credible even in filling the gap that exists in the more established studies (Cotterill 2003;Heffer 2005;Gibbons 2003Gibbons , 2008; Tkačuková 2010).The courtroom language of Adama Higher Court trial is Afan Oromo.So, the judge, the lawyers and all other court communities speak Afan Oromo.But there were a frequent occasion when some witnesses (as far as the selected courtrooms incorporate a number of different ethnic groups found in Ethiopia) use Amharic Language (the language of wider communication).In such occasions the translator of the court translates Afan Oromo (of the judge and the lawyers) into Amharic Language (for the witnesses or defendants).So, the original data consist of both Afan Oromo and Amharic languages.Similarly, rather than using the secondary data source, this study presents an issue of authentic data which is absent in most similar previous studies from Adama Higher Criminal Court trial, where the study of courtroom language-related problem is entirely neglected, and where two languages -Afan Oromo and Amharic -are used as courtroom languages.Using the real data from selected Criminal Court trials, the researcher ascertains how the mentioned courtroom language-related problems are widespread and victimized the truth by analyzing the linguistic characteristics of destructive types in cross-examination questions.

An overview of Ethiopian Criminal Court procedures
The formal consent of 1994 new Ethiopian constitution was took effect in 1995.This 1995 Constitution replaced the nation's centralized unitary government with a federal republic based on a democratic form of government (Christophe 2007) which constitutes nine member states.In Ethiopia, law is created and passed by the country's federal legislative body, the House of People's Representatives (New York University 2006).Despite Ethiopia follows civil law system, the witness examination criminal procedure, as that of French evidentiary law, follows the criminal law system (New York University 2006: 51).The Oromia Regional State is one of the nine member states in the federal government of Ethiopia (Christophe 2007) from which the criminal law system is drawn.New York University (2006) report notes that the Constitution directs the creation of three levels of state courts: the State Supreme Court, the High Court (or the Zonal Courts) which the focus area of this study, and the First Instance Court (or the Woreda Courts).The higher court consists of both the civil and criminal court of which the criminal court is the focus area of this study.In the Oromian Higher Court criminal procedure observed, the prosecution and defense present the evidence and question the witnesses after the judge's swearing-in and orientation/checking-in stages.Here, a well established understanding of what happens is that the two sides are attempting to construct competing versions of the same event or state (Bennett and Feldman 1981).
Similarly, Gibbons (2008) also asserts that in the Common Law system, when lawyers are cross examining a hostile witness, they have to play a complex game, where they are attempting almost simultaneously to construct and support their version of events and attack the version of the other side.Gibbons (2008) argues that the purpose of constructing a particular version strongly affects the social and informational relationships, causing them to differ substantially from those found in everyday conversation.The social relationship, rather than being roughly equal, is one of power asymmetry in that the lawyers have control of the questioning process and witnesses are obliged to reply.Lawyers are also in a position to pressure witnesses to agree with their version of events (Gibbons 2008).These typical personal and information relationships have a significant impact on the nature of both questioning exchanges and the form of questions.In this study, I focused on the abovementioned issues; demonstrating the selected court spoken discourse of courtroom proceedings.In so doing, the power asymmetry (Linguistic Power Imbalance as it has been used in this particular study) that exists in the cross-examination institutionalized speakers of Oromia Regional State Court participants, the cross-examining lawyers and the witnesses has been analyzed.

Research methodology
The methods chosen for the study certainly have profound effects on the outcomes (Patton 1990).The same holds for how subjects are selected and for how data are collected and analyzed.So, data that have been used to generate the findings were directly based on information from the authentic natural language use of courtroom talks of three heterogeneous trial participants-lawyers in defense, witnesses and judges.Purposive sampling technique is used to select the population for the study.Data were entirely drawn from Bishoftu, Asella and Adama town Criminal Court trial talks, and the naturally occurring spoken courtroom interactions were recorded and transcribed.Data were gathered by recording the courtroom entire talks that take place in the trials and additional hand-held note-taking/stenography technique was employed to record inaudible sound of the courtroom participants and to observe some non-verbal semiotic discourse aspects.The transcripts were done for the purpose of making a record of everything said in the courtroom, and in the efforts of minimizing the challenges of verbatimness and exactness that take place in stenographic recordings due to the nature of some spoken languages (see the full-fledged transcription conventions specified below).

Capitals
Indicate Personal Names (which are pseudonyms) are mainly used for the four witnesses (for example, in the four trial cases observed, I used "W1" to represent the witness who is questioned first in each of the four trial cases, "W2" to represent the witness who is questioned next in each of the four trial cases, "W3" to represent the witness who is questioned third in each of the four trial cases and "W4" to represent the witness who is finally questioned in each trial cases).Any other personal names in the transcript extracts are also pseudonyms.Identifying locality names have been changed, with the exception of major kebeles, towns and jobs.
Note: In the data presentation, I didn't translate (into English) the courtroom translators' (Afan Oromo to Amharic) works, for the analysis is limited to the language of the four trial participants (the judges, the two opposing lawyers and the witnesses).So, I represent it with (----------) mark.So as to make the naturally occurring spoken data original, the transcripts and the translations were made in conscious of avoiding making changing to the participants' actual language.So, induced changes which include correction of inaccurate grammar, elimination of false starts, syntactic rearrangements or restoration of dialectal features into standard forms were avoided.

Data presentation and analysis: discussions of question forms used as defense lawyers' discursive strategies
"Questions in everyday discourse consist of a situated exchange in which the questioner and answerer are in a roughly symmetrical relationship in which each is entitled to request information from the other" (Gibbons 2008: 115).This implies that in our normal day-to-day interaction experience, questioners naturally do not have the information that they are requesting and the answerer is not obliged to answer.According to him, in everyday speech, there is a common Gricean anticipation that the answer will bring the information requested.Unlike everyday questioning, as the findings of the study illustrate, courtroom questioning differs markedly in that lawyers usually have a particular version of events in mind that they are attempting to confirm with the witness (see extract 1).Frequently, "witnesses are compelled to answer, and do not have the right to ask questions" (Gibbons 2008: 115).Similarly, Drew's (1992) analysis of cross-examination illustrates the combative nature of courtroom interaction and analyses the way in which lawyers exploit the specific speech-exchange system of the courtroom to challenge versions of events presented by witnesses.Therefore, courtroom questions differ from everyday questions in both their social and their information characteristics (Schegloff 1984(Schegloff , 1992(Schegloff , 2007)), (see extract 1 for lawyers' social characteristics).Extract 1 illustrates unequal social relationships and defense lawyers' attempts to gain the reconstruction and confirmation of their particular prepared version of events that have a range of linguistic manifestations within the question part.These choices of linguistic demonstrations lead lawyers to include much of the information in their questions.In so doing, "the lawyers enable to exert pressure on witnesses to go along with their version of events" (Gibbons 2008: 120).A broad description of types of question in legal contexts is given in Gibbons (2003: 102-107) and Gibbons (2008: 115-130).So, in the analysis of question forms and their functions of this study, I specifically deal with this description as source of secondary data in order to remain abreast of established knowledge on each aspect.

Declarative Questions
Declarative question in the courtroom manifests power imbalance in such a way that it contains the lawyer's version and puts pressure on the witness to agree.The questions are put as a direct statement, in declarative rather than interrogative form, and await the witness's agreement.In an instance follows in extract 1 below, the lawyer made it clear that he was providing his own version of events by saying "that is not my request", and was making a bald statement of his version for the witness's agreement, "the victim has been hit when he was crossing the road" (turn 1).In this manner, the lawyer enabled to successfully put the witness in to agreement, "Yes" (turn 2)

A:
No, that is not my request; the victim has been hit when he was crossing the road, you said? 2. W1: Yes.This type of question may sometimes have a rising question intonation, making it more question-like, as in extract 2. In this particular extract the lawyer in defense, made the declarative more question-like by raising the intonation of the word of the question… OTHER…'

Extract 2, Case 2, Cross-Examination question to W2
In extract 3, the declarative sentence is the most straightforward sentence type.It is syntactic configuration which displays an unmarked (i.e.expected) order of the functional categories (Subject -he, Predicator -could see, Direct Object -the hit boy, etc.)This means that the Subject comes first in the sentence, followed by the Predicator, which in turn is followed by a Direct Object and an Indirect Object (front light).Therefore, extract 3, turn 1 below, is syntactically 'declarative', but pragmatically it is a 'statement' (Aarts 2001: 62).
1. AA: Therefore, he could see the hit boy with front light on the road 2. W3: Yes, he could see.
Though the above pieces of discourse (extracts 1-3) may appear interactive, the entire structure and content of witness responses were determined by the lawyer.In fact, the crime narrative could largely be reconstructed only on the basis of the content and flow of the examining lawyer's turns while the witness provides just the details.In essence, the lawyers' questions provide the next link (extract 3, turn 1) in the narrative chain of events and the witness submissively provides the required "small piece" of information, "Yes, he could see" (turn 2).This also shows that lawyers can guide the witness by putting words in their mouths in other ways than asking Yes/No questions as opposed to declaratives or Whquestions.Hence, counting question types is not found necessarily a true reflection of what is happening, or of the interactive process under investigation.
In a nutshell, although in courtroom dialect this is called a question, it reads much more like an accusation -one that the witness is obliged to respond to by the rules of procedure.It is important to realise that the terms declarative, interrogative, imperative and exclamation are syntactic labels that refer to sentence types that have certain syntactic characteristics while the notions statement, question, directive and exclamation, by contrast, are pragmatic notions (Aarts 2001: 62).Pragmatics is the study of the meaning of A: Konkolaataan kuni firaankoorraa gara axanaa taraa deemaa ture jette, 'Ee… inni miidhamaan inni du'emmoo karaa gara KAANIRRA ce'aa ture' jette?
A: This car was going from Franco to Atena tera, you said, 'Ee…the victim the dead was crossing the OTHER side' you said?linguistic expressions in context (Aarts 2001).In other words, pragmatics is concerned with language use.With regard to each of the sentence types discussed above we have observed that they all have a distinctive use.In many cases, utterances are considered as interactive since a deictic term refers to the content of the witness' prior contribution.Looking at the nature of interactiveness, according to Gibbons (2008), there is a basic contrast between those contributions that interact with the content of witness contributions and those that interact with the witness.This latter category encompasses non-questions and potentially indirect questions where the main clause relates directly to the witness's person (e.g."Didn't Fyisa hold Yeshtla" in turn 1).But, the turn, as a whole, still involves the lawyer adding to the Discourse Space rather than adding onto what the witness has provided (see turn 1 and 6 in Extract 4 below).The discursive implication is that Feyisa held the defendant, and the defendant fired to defend himself.------------------------------3.W2: Who? 4. T: Feyisa 5. W2: Yes 6. A: Do you remember only this or, whether he held him or not? 7. T: --------------------8.W2: He didn't hold, when he seize the gun, saying "ማ ሎ ማ ሎ" (which is equivalent to, 'please, please', in English) as he was beside him, he snatched his hand from him and went out

Tag Questions
Tag question is the most important type of courtroom questioning known for its intimidating and coercive nature.Gibbons (2003: 101) says that tag questions are "strengthening devices, which make the demand for compliance greater than that of a simple question" and so the tag form is "more coercive" than simple polar questions.In this study the most significant forms of tag questions employed were the statement and the tag.In the form of a statement, the lawyer was including his version of events (the information).In the form of tag, the lawyer was exerting various forms of interactive pressure upon the witness (the social).This form of courtroom question is therefore a "paradigm example of linguistic form matching pragmatic function" (Gibbons 2008: 121).As a result, it is found that most of the questions in cross-examination took the form of tags, and that there were many types of tags used for abovementioned purposes as scrutinized below.

Modal verb tag questions
Gibbons (2008) identifies two types of modal tag questions (reverse polarity and same polarity).In this regard, reverse polarity tag questions were used to put pressure on a witness to agree.This was demonstrated in the tag "did you not", Extracts 5 and 7, "was + pronoun + not" in Extracts 6, and by "can't + agent" in Extract 8.
The reverse polarity tag "wasn't you…" (in Extract 8, turn 1), " wasn't this what you said?" in Extract 8, turn 3, challenges the witness' claim whether he heard the mere sound or saw the actual event.
In the same way, same polarity tag-questions were used to spread hesitation on the witness's version of events.In Extract 9, cross-examination W1 below, the lawyer used same polarity tag-question to distrust the witness's previous answer.
1. A: When it was hitting, were you at the back of the car or at the front side of the car? 2. W1: At the back.
In extract 21 below, the witness is given a choice between persons while in extract 22; it is a choice of timings.
A: Have both of them fired on you before you entered or after you entered?
On the other instances, there may be a choice between single words, as in extract 23 where the witness is given choice between "right" "left" or "front" side, and the witness chose "left" in his reply.

Extract 23, Case 2, Cross-Examination question to W2
1. A: Karaa ce'aa, mirgarratti moo bitaarratti kan rukutame 2. T: ግራ ላይ ነው ወይስ ቀኝ ላይ ነው የተመታው? 3. W2: ግራ 1. A: Crossing the road, was he hit to the right or to the left side? 2. T: - -------------------------------3.W2: Left These all abovementioned choice questions recognize in the response only information provided by the lawyers.However, in addition to creating a processing challenge for the witness, this strategy does allow cross-examining lawyers to insert potentially deconstructing assertions within what may appear to be a relatively constructive question.The example given, Extract 24, below illustrates this potential.In this extract, the cross-examining lawyer was questioning a witness in order to ascertain the precise reason that made the criminal to shot on the victims.
In so doing, he firstly tended to elicit the witness if the victims and the criminal were exchanging some words (turns 5 and 7).In turn 6, the witness responded that he didn't hear what they were communicating one another.After the cross-examining lawyer had proved that there were no exchanges of words between the two rivals (turn 7), he started to deconstruct what the witness was recently testified to the court that he saw when the criminal fired and shot the victims (turns 11,13,15,17).
Finally in extract 24, turns 19 and 21, the cross-examining lawyer succeeded in deconstructing the overall happening of the testimony that the witness recently testified.The cross-examining lawyer questions' positive responses of the witness in turns 18, 20 and 22 proved that the formulation of the final question as a potentially damaging admission that the witness didn't see when the criminal fired and shot the accusers.This was one of the most influential lawyer's discursive strategy through which the existing narrative was attacked and deconstructed by the cross-examining lawyer questions.
Anaan bahi jedhee.Deebi'ee dhufee ani bahuu dinnaan kaanitti qabe siin jedheem.Similarly, the cross-examining question in turn 7-'= I didn't ask that -I didn't say that.What I'm saying is, FOLLOW ME!', 'Have you seen this car in advance as it was being driven, before the accident happened?' and, 'HAVE I ASKED YOU THAT?Don't you tell him (turn 10)' were all testimony constraining cross-examining lawyers' intimidating discursive strategies.In addition to the limitation of response content, the lawyer was also able to interrupt the witness in the middle of his response, to provide a reminder of the boundaries set up in the initial question (turns 7, 10 and 12).
The pragmatic implication of the cross-examining proposition in turns 7, 10, and 12 was to protect the witness's inherently vital evidences from being elicited to the court.In turn 7, for example, the cross-examining lawyer interrupts the witness's discussion (turn 6) that tended to illustrate the degree of the collision.In a similar vein, in turn 10, the cross-examining lawyer interrupts the witness's demonstration, 'I heard the sound Gua!'(turn 9) that could display the level of the accident from being testified.In so doing, the cross-examining lawyer was using different constraining strategies to make a clear demarcation of the response boundaries.In the first instance there was coercive strategies, for example, 'HAVE I ASKED YOU THAT?'(turn 10), 'I didn't ask that', and 'FOLLOW ME!'(turn 7).
In this extract, it was not only the lawyer that was intimidating the witness, but the judge and the translator were also cooperatively pressurizing the witness.For example, in turn 19 and 22, the judge himself was playing his own role in demarking the response boundaries of the witness.In turn 19, the judge actually interrupted the witness and reminded him to give just what cross-examining lawyer asked in short and in turn 22 he rejected the witness's detailed answers.In the same manner, the translator also overlapped and demarked the witness's response to be encircled to cross-examining lawyer's question (turn 21).Such strategy is extremely effective for the lawyer, since the request type is condensed from his initial diffuse narrative into a small but perfectly formed Yes/No request (for example, turn 16).Generally, the addressee was thus effectively prevented from hearing about the potentially significant content of the evidence.

Wh-questions
Wh-questions enable the witness to supply more information.In the following extract, the lawyer's wh-question led the witness to undertake the gratuitous concurrence.The child-witness was giving a yes or its variant responses, such as yeh ('ኧ' in the context of this research).The most important defense strategy was to get the prosecution witness (es) to agree to damaging propositions.As the brief discussion of gratuitous concurrence, section 1, has indicated above, the cross-examination in this case was riddled with apparent gratuitous concurrence.The lawyer uses a number of subtle strategies to lead the witnesses to agree, in situations which were quite likely to produce gratuitous concurrence.
The examination was made at the beginning of the first trial of the courtroom hearing.Yabsira was an 11 years of age youngest child witness I ever met in the courtroom trial observation.He has been giving evidence for about an hour-chief, cross, and re-examinations.He has shown signs of being overwhelmed by the experience, as it has been delineated in extract 26 below.
In this extended narrative of 27 turns, it was only to elicit a single question.Turn 6 was a typical example of the questioning style of defense lawyer.It questions three propositions: (1) 'to what speed did you observe that car?' (2) 'how quick you observe the white car you mentioned to that instant?' and (3) 'on what distance you observed?'This all were with the requirement for a single answer which was requested in the rest of the turns (how far the car was from the child).There was little chance for the witness to think about his answer (6:4, 7:2, 8:1, and 6:5 seconds being quite long silences) in the process of pressuring by repeated question tags, the final one with a different request.
These were all strategies conducive to the elicitation of gratuitous concurrence child witness (turns 3, 8, 13, 15, 20, 22, 24 and the more damaging agreement turn, turn 27).It is impossible to know whether the witness did actually agree with the crucial response he gave in turn 27, but we have seen above several reasons which would urge caution about giving a literal interpretation to this answer.In a verbal projection like "you said, …", there is an assumption that the witness was committed to the truth of the core proposition ('I was under the comodino from the time when the gun was being started firing, I got out after they left'), making it difficult to deny.Therefore, if the witness answers "No", this denial is primarily a denial of saying this, but does not deny that he was under the comodino from the time when the gun was being started firing (although the denial may affect this core proposition if there is no other evidence for the fact).The core information (he was under the comodino from the time when the gun was being started firing) is to some degree presupposed or embedded.

Extract 26, Case 1, Cross-Examination questions to W1
Extract 28, Case 4, Cross-Examination questions to W4 over-representation of questions that limited the scope for response in a range of ways, in an attempt to control the information provided by the witnesses.The cross-examining lawyers' question forms are related to the degree of coerciveness of question types in order to achieve their discursive dynamicity.Declarative questions and tag questions are strongly biased towards a confirmative answer and consequently were more pressurizing and coercive questions.They also offer the cross-examining lawyers more obvious advantage as these question forms are perceived as statements so as to help the crossexamining lawyers in changing the questions into evidence to enables them to give evidence on behalf of witnesses and reduce witnesses to the role of minimal responders.In the other manner, tag questions have also a further pragmatic meaning that makes it the most coercive type of cross-examining lawyers' questions as they imply that the cross-examining lawyers previously know that the answer is right (information relationships).Projection questions are efficient way of including a vast volume of information from the lawyer's version of events, and are used to put high degree of pressure for agreement upon witnesses.The rationalization that defense lawyers are typically giving for such types of questionings is that they 'test the evidence'.In fact, as the outcome of the study proposes, this justification is uncertain that the questioning process seems more likely to distort the evidence of witnesses rather than test it.

Extract 8, Case 2, Cross-Examination questions to W2
Ee… you said, I was there from the time when the gun was being started firing, I got out after they left, if you say you were under the comodino, whether Yeshtila fired or not on these men, because you entered as soon as the firing started, how did you see it?