Słowa kluczowe
AfD
mowa nienawiści
imigranci
demokracja
Jak cytować
Abstrakt
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest skrajnie prawicowa populistyczna partia AfD w kontekście antyimigranckiej retoryki. Celem jest ustalenie w jakim stopniu antyimigrancki program i działalności mogą stanowić zagrożenie dla demokracji w Niemczech. Obszarem badań jest ideologiczne tło AfD. Zamierzam pokazać, z czego wynikają argumenty antyimigranckie oraz jakie są ich granice. Prowadząc badania przyjęłam główną hipotezę, zgodnie z którą: skrajnie prawicowa i populistyczna AfD prezentująca antyimigrancką retorykę coraz częściej wykracza poza granice wolności słowa w kierunku ekstremizmów podważających porządek konstytucyjny w Niemczech. AfD dąży do destabilizacji demokratycznego krajobrazu, między innymi poprzez budowanie poparcia dla postaw antyimigranckich.
Bibliografia
Althoff A. (2018), Right-wing populism and religion in Germany: Conservative Christians and the Alternative for Germany (AfD), „Zeitschrift für Religion, Gesellschaft und Politik“, vol. 2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-018-0027-9
Arzheimer K. (2015), The AfD: Finally a Successful Right-Wing Populist Eurosceptic Party for Germany?, “West European Politics”, 38(3). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1004230
Bednarz L. (2018), Die Angstprediger. Wie rechte Christen Kirchen und Gesellschaft unterwandern, Droemer Knaur, München.
Betz H. G. (2017), Nativism across Time and Space, “Swiss Political Science Review”, 23(4). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12260
Bielka I. (2014), Partie społecznego protestu w Niemczech: Partia Piratów i alternatywa dla Niemiec, „Przegląd Naukowo Metodyczny. Edukacja dla Bezpieczeństwa”, no. 7.
Bilewicz M., Soral W. (2020), Hate speech epidemic. The dynamic effects of derogatory language on intergroup relations and political radicalization, “Political Psychology”, no. 41. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12670
Borjas G., Monras J. (2017), The Labour Market Consequences of Refugee Supply Shocks, “Economic Policy”, 32(91). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eix007
Braun D., Schmitt H. (2020), Different emphases, same positions? The election manifestos of political parties in the EU multilevel electoral system compared, “Party Politics”, 26(5), SAGE. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068818805248
Brettschneider C. (2007), Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government, Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton, NJ.
Broeke L., Kunter K. (2021), Religion, Populism and Politics: The Notion of Religion in Election Manifestos of Populist and Nationalist Parties in Germany and The Netherlands, “Religions”, 12 (3). DOI: https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12030178
Brown R. (2016), Defusing hate: a strategic communication guide to counteract dangerous speech. Rep., US Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC.
Budge I. (2001), Validating Party Policy Placements, “British Journal of Political Science”, 31(1), http://www.jstor.org/stable/3593282. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123401230087
Bundestag Election 2021 – The Federal Returning Officer (bundeswahlleiter.de).
Ceron A. (2012), Bounded oligarchy: How and when factions constrain leaders in party position-taking, “Electoral Studies“, 31(4). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2012.07.004
Counter Extremism Project, Alternative für Deutschland, Counter Extremism Project.
Deutsche Welle (2021), Nationalist AfD calls for a ‘normal’ Germany, 4.11.2021.
Eder N., Jenny M., Müller W. (2017), Manifesto functions: How party candidates view and use their party’s central policy document, “Electoral Studies”, 45. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.11.011
Election programme of the Alternative für Deutschland at the Bundestag elections 2013, Party conference resolution of 14 April 2013.
Europawahlprogramm, AfD (2019), https://www.afd.de/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AfD_Europawahlprogramm_A5-hoch_web_150319.pdf.
Franzmann S. (2018), Extra-Parliamentary Opposition within a Transforming Political Space: The AfD and FDP under Merkel III between 2013 and 2017, “German Politics”, 8. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2018.1512972
Goerres A., Spies D., Kumlin S. (2017), The electoral supporter base of the Alternative for Germany: An analysis of a panel study of German voters in 2015–16, Conference: Annual Conference of the Specialist Group on Political Economy of the German Political Science Association (DVPW), Düsseldorf. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2942745
Hagan J., Rymond-Richmond W. (2008), Darfur and the Crime of Genocide, Cambridge University Press, New York. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511804748
Hatton T. (2017), Refugees and asylum seekers, the crisis in Europe and the future of policy, “Economic Policy”, vol. 32, Issue 91. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eix009
Heinze E. (2016), Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship, Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford, UK. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198759027.001.0001
Howard J. W. (2019), Free speech and hate speech, “Annual Review of Political Science”, 22, p. 9. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051517-012343
Jasińsk Ł. (2022), Rapprochement with Russia, Alienated from the EU: AfD Congress Confirms the Party’s Radicalisation, Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych.
Kałabunowska A. (2021), Skrajna prawica we współczesnych Niemczech. Ujęcie ideologiczne, Instytut Zachodni, Poznań.
Klikauer T. (2019), Germany’s AfD – members, leaders and ideologies, “Asian Journal of German and European Studies”, vol. 4. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40856-019-0041-5
Kranert M. (2019), Discourse and Political Culture: The language of the Third Way in Germany and the UK. Discourse approaches to politics, society and culture (DAPSAC), John Benjamins, Amsterdam. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.86
Lees Ch. (2018), The ‘Alternative for Germany’: The rise of right-wing populism at the heart of Europe, “Political Studies Assotiation”, vol. 38. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395718777718
Lehmann P., Zehnter L. (2022), The Self-Proclaimed Defender of Freedom: The AfD and the Pandemic, Government and Opposition, Cambridge University Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.5
Lewandowsky M. (2014), Alternative für Deutschland (AfD): A New Actor in the German Party System, “International Policy Analysis”, Berlin.
Lipa B. (2022), Analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) through the lens of four distinct profiles: radical, niche, anti-establishment, and party reputation, 2013–2017, „Przegląd Politologiczny”, no. 2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.2.7
Luoch T. (2016), The Verbal Fuel for Ethnic Hatred and Political Violence in Keny, in: Political Discourse in Emergent, Fragile, and Failed Democracies, ed. by D. Orwenjo, O. Oketch, A. Hameed Tunde, pp. 1–10, Hershey : IGI Global. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0081-0.ch001
Muhammad I. (2020), Election Manifesto as a Unit of Analysis in Research, Tapping into Election Campaign Manifestos from Political Communication Perspectives, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345499230_Election_Manifesto_as_a_Unit_of_Analysis_in_Research.
Mut zu Deutschland. Für ein Europa der Vielfalt. Programm der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) für die Wahl zum Europäischen Parlament am 25. Mai 2014, Beschluss des Bundesparteitags vom 22. März 2014.
Piazza J. (2020), Politician hate speech and domestic terrorism, “International Interactions”, 46:3, Routlage. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2020.1739033
Programm der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) für die Wahl zum Europäischen Parlament am 25. Mai 2014 (2014), https://www.alternativefuer.de/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2014/03/Europaprogramm-der-AfD.pdf.
Programm der Alternative für Deutschland für die Wahl zum 20. Deutschen Bundestag (2021),
https://www.afd.de/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/20210611_AfD_Programm_2021.pdf.
Salmela M., von Scheve Ch. (2017), Emotional roots of right-wing political populism, “Social Science Information” 1–29, SAGE. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0539018417734419
Schüller S. (2012), The Effects of 9/11 on Attitudes Toward Immigration and the Moderating Role of Education, IZA DP no. 7052. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2189790
Serranos J. C., Papakyriakopoulos O., Hegelich S., Shahrezaye M. (2019), The Rise of Germany’s AfD: A Social Media Analysis, Proceedings of the 10th International Conference on Social Media and Society, Association for Computing Machinery, New York, NY, United States. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1145/3328529.3328562
Siegel A. (2020) Online Hate Speech, in: Social media and democracy: The state of the field, prospects for reform, eds. N. Persily, J. Tucker, Cambridge University Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108890960.005
Sola A. (2018), The 2015 refugee crisis in Germany: Concerns about immigration and populism, “SOEP papers on Multidisciplinary Panel Data Research”, no. 966, Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW), Berlin. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3169243
Strube S. A. (2015a), Problemanzeige: Rechtsextreme Tendenzen in sich christlich verstehenden Medien. In Rechtsextremismus als Herausforderung für die Theologie, Herder, Freiburg.
Strube S. A. (2015b), Rechtsextremismus als Herausforderung für die Theologie, Herder, Freiburg.
Tanvir S. (2022), Hate Speech vs. Free Speech: The Ongoing Debate and Challenges in the Globalized World, “SSRN Electronic Journal”. DOI: https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3997924
Thompson M. (1999), Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Indiana University Press, Bloomington.
Weinstein J. (2011), Participatory Democracy and Free Speech, 97 “Virginia Law Review”, 491, 498.
Wodak R. (2016), Politik mit der Angst. Zur Wirkung rechtspopulistischer Diskurse, Wien.
Wodak R. (2017), The “Establishment”, the “Élites”, and the “People”, “Journal of Language and Politics” 16(4). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17030.wod
Licencja
Prawa autorskie (c) 2023 Klaudia Gołębiowska
Utwór dostępny jest na licencji Creative Commons Uznanie autorstwa – Na tych samych warunkach 4.0 Miedzynarodowe.